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Petersburg State University, Russia; Researcher, Free University of Berlin, Germany.

Email: [email protected]© The Journal of Social Policy Studies. № 1 patterns in the post-industrial urban "public counter-sphere" (consisting of the intelligentsia, the "creative class", students and other white-collar workers) and their perceived political freedom and self-reported online political behaviour.

The results show that the media diet of participants indicates a strong preference for several media clusters, especially social media, oppositional, and alternative-agenda media, while the consumption of traditional media and video is either plummeting or irrelevant.

In the 21st century, Russia is a fundamentally fragmented society with post-industrial, industrial, rural and migrant communities showing divergent relations to state social policies as well as varying patterns of public deliberation and consumption, including media use.

Sociologists speak of "multi-speed Russia" or "several Russias" in one.

As the late-Soviet and post Soviet modernisation of the country was misbalanced and fragmented (Kang-aspuuro, Smith 2006; Vartanova 2013), it brought with it a new form of value-based societal cleavages that today only partly mirrors those of thirty years ago.

Hybrid media for a fragmented audience: Russian society and media in the 21st century Today, Russia is a fundamentally fragmented society.

These two phenomena are causing new cleavages in societies.

In other words, media hybridisation means not only tech-based changes in the structure of media systems and growth of online segments but also numerous social and political consequences of these technological advances, including horizontalisation, a higher degree of audience participation in political discussions, the formation of online pressure groups and the growth of political movements.

Social fragmentation is, thus, mirrored in the fragmentation of the media systems; moreover, one more dimension, namely media hybridisation, intervenes and influences the formation of closed-up communicative milieus based on both social patterns and digital divide.

Of the several societal milieus observed by social scientists in , some are seriously under-represented in the media system; and deep differences in media consumption, agenda setting, and public deliberation exist between all of them.

It is here that Soviet patterns of social life prevail; its protest potential is reduced by state funds that support employment and social spending.

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